pedro martori

The Cuban Communist Party's
Anti-Castro Activities


The Cuban Communist Party's
Anti-Castro Activities


THE MARCOS RODRIGUEZ TRIAL

Following the assassination of the student leaders of the 1957 attack
on Batista's palace, suspicion had immediately fallen on Marcos
Rodriguez, a Communist student and occasional member of the Directorio
Revolucionario political arm. Immediately after the Revolution, the
widow of one of the martyrs directly accused Rodriguez as a traitor
and Rodriguez was arrested. The widow was given permission to
interrogate two of Ventura's (Havana's former police chief)
bodyguards, then in rebel jails, and obtained a description of the
informer which fitted Marcos Rodriguez. However, at the order of
Communist leaders, the two bodyguards were quickly executed before
they could be brought to face Rodriguez (and possibly identify him)
and he was quickly released.

On March 16, 1964, Revolucion noted the fact that Marcos Rodriguez was
on trial for the Humboldt Seven crimes. A stunned courtroom heard
Rodriguez admit to being a Communist and confessing to the crime. The
next day, in a secret session, Commander Faure Chomon, a survivor of
the attack, delivered a blistering indictment of the old Communist
guard. To make matters worse, Major Guillermo Jimenez, a friend of the
students and a key member of Castro's military intelligence group,
added his opinion as to why Rodriguez had committed the crime. "His
act of betrayal was basically the result of his formacion," said
Jimenez. As Halperin notes, the key word here was formacion, literally
"formation," "training" or "upbringing," but in the context used, the
implication was clearly that of "political formation." Jimenez was
referring acutely with caustic vigor to Rodriguez association with the
old Communists. Two days later Rodriguez was convicted and sentenced
to death; more damage to the Party was still to come.


The Cuban Communist Party's
Anti-Castro Activities


THE SECOND TRIAL OF MARCOS RODRIGUEZ

Partially in order to quell rampant rumors that swept the island,
Castro ordered that the trial records be made public, and a new trial
conducted. Among the evidence presented by Chomon, was a letter


Communist who had survived the 1962 purges and risen to his high post
through his considerable influence in the Party. In the letter to
Ordoqui, Rodriguez reflected that he was "assigned the task of
collecting information concerning the Directorio Revolucionario by
working within that organization." He then named other Communists who
were in the Party's intelligence service. Rodriguez then rationalized
his treason by calling it "necessary and concerned with the integrity
and purity of the revolutionary struggle" (we must remember that the
Directorio Revolucionario had been strongly anti-Communist). Rodriguez
further reminded Ordoqui that, at the time of his first arrest (in
1959) he (Rodriguez) had consulted Ordoqui with the idea of publishing
a declaration of innocence. Ordoqui, Rodriguez continued in the
letter, had dissuaded him since "the proposal was not tactical or
prudent and would have precipitated a big scandal."

The second trial was a skillful gamble by Castro to reduce Rodriguez
entanglement with the present Communist state/party. However,
Rodriguez then confessed that in late 1958 he had confessed his crime
to Edith Garcia Buchaca, wife of Ordoqui and a leading "old"
Communist, and, at the time, Castro's Minister of Culture.
Furthermore, evidence came out suggesting that the Communists had
successfully protected Rodriguez during his arrest in 1959. On the
last day of the trial, Castro acted as prosecutor and once again
closed the trial in an air of unity. However, soon afterwards
Rodriguez was executed.

The fates of Joaquin Ordoqui and Edith Garcia Buchaca were also
sealed. Eight months later Ordoqui was placed under house arrest. His
wife Edith was also removed from her post, presumably to share her
husband's arrest. No word of their fates has ever been released."

In 1965, the name of the Communist Party once again changed; it was no
longer the PURS, but it was now the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC -
Partido Comunista de Cuba).

The Cuban Communist Party's
Anti-Castro Activities


THE PURGE OF 1966

Although the purges of 1966 were not specifically aimed at the "old"
Communists, their execution continued to reflect Castro's dominance of
all the reigns of government. Earlier in 1965, both Hoy and Revolucion
had been closed and the new Party newspaper re-emerged as Granma, so
named after Castro's rebel yacht. In early 1966, a plot involving
Rolando Cubela, President of the Students' Union, was discovered.
Cubela was sentenced to 25 years in prison for his part in a plot to
assassinate Castro (a rather magnanimous sentence when compared to
Brigadier General Ochoa's death sentence for much lesser charges 23
years later). That same year, Efigenio Almejeiras, Castro's first
chief of police and at the time Vice Minister of the Armed Forces was
dismissed from the Central Committee of the Communist Party for "moral
offenses." His dismissal was followed by a national purge of corrupted
elements, a brilliant move by Castro to "clean house." Finally, in
1967, Armando Acosta, the long time Communist boss in the Oriente
province was dismissed with some publicity, apparently the result of
personal excesses.
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Following the assassination of the student leaders of the 1957 attack
on Batista's palace, suspicion had immediately fallen on Marcos
Rodriguez, a Communist student and occasional member of the Directorio
Revolucionario political arm. Immediately after the Revolution, the
widow of one of the martyrs directly accused Rodriguez as a traitor
and Rodriguez was arrested. The widow was given permission to
interrogate two of Ventura's (Havana's former police chief)
bodyguards, then in rebel jails, and obtained a description of the
informer which fitted Marcos Rodriguez. However, at the order of
Communist leaders, the two bodyguards were quickly executed before
they could be brought to face Rodriguez (and possibly identify him)
and he was quickly released.

On March 16, 1964, Revolucion noted the fact that Marcos Rodriguez was
on trial for the Humboldt Seven crimes. A stunned courtroom heard
Rodriguez admit to being a Communist and confessing to the crime. The
next day, in a secret session, Commander Faure Chomon, a survivor of
the attack, delivered a blistering indictment of the old Communist
guard. To make matters worse, Major Guillermo Jimenez, a friend of the
students and a key member of Castro's military intelligence group,
added his opinion as to why Rodriguez had committed the crime. "His
act of betrayal was basically the result of his formacion," said
Jimenez. As Halperin notes, the key word here was formacion, literally
"formation," "training" or "upbringing," but in the context used, the
implication was clearly that of "political formation." Jimenez was
referring acutely with caustic vigor to Rodriguez association with the
old Communists. Two days later Rodriguez was convicted and sentenced
to death; more damage to the Party was still to come.


The Cuban Communist Party's
Anti-Castro Activities


THE SECOND TRIAL OF MARCOS RODRIGUEZ

Partially in order to quell rampant rumors that swept the island,
Castro ordered that the trial records be made public, and a new trial
conducted. Among the evidence presented by Chomon, was a letter
written by Rodriguez to Joaquin Ordoqui, then the Army's quartermaster
general and Vice-Minister of the Armed Forces. Ordoqui was an "old"
Communist who had survived the 1962 purges and risen to his high post
through his considerable influence in the Party. In the letter to
Ordoqui, Rodriguez reflected that he was "assigned the task of
collecting information concerning the Directorio Revolucionario by
working within that organization." He then named other Communists who
were in the Party's intelligence service. Rodriguez then rationalized
his treason by calling it "necessary and concerned with the integrity
and purity of the revolutionary struggle" (we must remember that the
Directorio Revolucionario had been strongly anti-Communist). Rodriguez
further reminded Ordoqui that, at the time of his first arrest (in
1959) he (Rodriguez) had consulted Ordoqui with the idea of publishing
a declaration of innocence. Ordoqui, Rodriguez continued in the
letter, had dissuaded him since "the proposal was not tactical or
prudent and would have precipitated a big scandal."

The second trial was a skillful gamble by Castro to reduce Rodriguez
entanglement with the present Communist state/party. However,
Rodriguez then confessed that in late 1958 he had confessed his crime
to Edith Garcia Buchaca, wife of Ordoqui and a leading "old"
Communist, and, at the time, Castro's Minister of Culture.
Furthermore, evidence came out suggesting that the Communists had
successfully protected Rodriguez during his arrest in 1959. On the
last day of the trial, Castro acted as prosecutor and once again
closed the trial in an air of unity. However, soon afterwards
Rodriguez was executed.

The fates of Joaquin Ordoqui and Edith Garcia Buchaca were also
sealed. Eight months later Ordoqui was placed under house arrest. His
wife Edith was also removed from her post, presumably to share her
husband's arrest. No word of their fates has ever been released."

In 1965, the name of the Communist Party once again changed; it was no
longer the PURS, but it was now the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC -
Partido Comunista de Cuba).

The Cuban Communist Party's
Anti-Castro Activities


THE PURGE OF 1966

Although the purges of 1966 were not specifically aimed at the "old"
Communists, their execution continued to reflect Castro's dominance of
all the reigns of government. Earlier in 1965, both Hoy and Revolucion
had been closed and the new Party newspaper re-emerged as Granma, so
named after Castro's rebel yacht. In early 1966, a plot involving
Rolando Cubela, President of the Students' Union, was discovered.
Cubela was sentenced to 25 years in prison for his part in a plot to
assassinate Castro (a rather magnanimous sentence when compared to
Brigadier General Ochoa's death sentence for much lesser charges 23
years later). That same year, Efigenio Almejeiras, Castro's first
chief of police and at the time Vice Minister of the Armed Forces was
dismissed from the Central Committee of the Communist Party for "moral
offenses." His dismissal was followed by a national purge of corrupted
elements, a brilliant move by Castro to "clean house." Finally, in
1967, Armando Acosta, the long time Communist boss in the Oriente
province was dismissed with some publicity, apparently the result of
personal excesses.
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=========================
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